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挪威早已失去纯真

所属:社会热点 来源:Financial Times 阅读:7009 次 评论:0 条 [我要评论]  [+我要收藏]

小编摘要:最近几天,人们的普遍观点是,上周五的事件让挪威失去了纯真。实际上,挪威的纯真已经失去。挪威仍将自己视为一个和平之都,但该国早已卷入不止一场战争,无法再将这些战争局限于电视屏幕上。




我生在奥斯陆。我上学时会路过挪威政府办公大楼。15岁时,我曾在上周五下午遭到汽车炸弹攻击的大楼里做过一周的实习生。
I was born in Oslo. My journey to school passed by the government quarter. When I was 15, I spent a week as an intern in the complex that was blown up by a car bomb, on Friday afternoon.
我少年时代住过的这座城市如今受到恐怖主义的伤害,街道上有士兵在巡逻。对那些失去家人和朋友的人,我们应当送上哀悼和尊敬,但我们也有责任去了解:在这个被视为社会民主对话典范的国家,怎么会发生如此暴力的悲剧?
The city of my childhood is now scarred by terrorism, its streets patrolled by soldiers. To those who have lost family and friends, we owe mourning and respect, but also a duty to understand how such a violent tragedy could have happened in a country perceived as a model of social democratic dialogue.
安德斯•贝林•布雷维克(Anders Behring Breivik)似乎已对这些罪行供认不讳,毫无疑问,他会试图利用7月25日的出庭来宣传自己。
Anders Behring Breivik has apparently admitted culpability to the events and he will no doubt attempt to exploit his appearance in court today for propaganda purposes.
尽管我们必须保持谨慎,不从表面上来解读他的逻辑,但我们对他肯定也不能不理不睬。我们需要研究他那些论据的恶毒的条理性,以驳斥他的论点,并弄清楚为何现代民主社会——包括像挪威这样受到全世界敬佩的国家——往往忽视了那些侵蚀其边缘的挫败感,进而未能阻止这种挫败感爆发,成为暴力事件。
While we must be careful not to take his logic at face value, he also must not be ignored. The diabolical coherence of his arguments needs to be studied in order that we are able to refute it and understand why modern, democratic societies – including those, like Norway, which are admired around the world – too often miss the frustrations that gnaw at their edges, and in turn fail to stop those frustrations erupting into violence.
最近几天,人们的普遍观点是,上周五的事件让挪威失去了纯真。实际上,挪威的纯真已经失去。挪威仍将自己视为一个和平之都,但该国早已卷入不止一场战争,无法再将这些战争局限于电视屏幕上。
The commonplace view of recent days has been that the events of Friday have seen Norway lose its innocence. In fact, Norway’s innocence was already lost. The country still sees itself as a capital of peace, but it has become entangled in wars that it has been unable to confine to the television screen.
挪威飞行员正在轰炸利比亚。挪威士兵已在阿富汗丧生。2008年1月,挪威外交大臣约纳斯•加尔•斯特勒(Jonas Gahr Store)率领的一个代表团在喀布尔的Serena酒店遭到攻击。这些事件早已撕开了那块理应把挪威与世界政治更严酷的一面幸运地隔离开来的大布。
Norwegian pilots are bombing Libya. Norwegian soldiers have died in Afghanistan. A delegation led by Jonas Gahr Store, the country’s foreign minister, was attacked at Kabul’s Serena Hotel in January 2008. These events had already unpicked the fabric of Norway’s supposedly blissful distance from the harsher side of world politics.
实际上,这块布从来就是一块自我强加的面纱。尽管挪威努力在二战中保持中立,但该国仍被德国占领。随后那段武装抵抗的历史成为国家叙述的一个中心部分。挪威所有的小学都教授这一历史。
In truth, that fabric was always a self-imposed veil. Despite efforts to stay neutral in the second world war, Norway was occupied by Germany. The history of the armed resistance that followed, which is taught to every school child, became a central part of the national narrative.
因此,鉴于挪威对暴力的熟知,近日人们这种丧失纯真的感觉是自相矛盾的。要解决这一悖论,我们需要意识到,这种国家层面的纯真感觉之所以存在,在一定程度上源自一种假装:挪威的政治文化是同质的,没有什么分歧不能通过耐心的对话来解决。
The recent sense of lost innocence is, therefore, paradoxical, given Norway’s acquaintance with violence. To resolve this paradox, we need to recognise that this national state of innocence was in part willed into existence by pretending that Norway’s political culture was a homogeneous one with no differences that could not be resolved by patient dialogue.
这一点的外部表现是,挪威有意识地把自己定位成和平与解决冲突的国家,尽管该国是北约(Nato)创始成员国(与其东部邻国不同),而且是美国的坚定盟友。
Externally, this manifested itself in a conscious branding of Norway as a nation of peace and conflict resolution, even though the country is a founding member of Nato (unlike its eastern neighbours) and a stalwart US ally.
从国内来看,挪威一直有着强有力的盲从因袭的态度,北欧价值观和慷慨的社会福利基本上不受质疑。用已故工党政界人士艾纳•福德(Einar Forde)的话来说:“我们都是社会民主党人。”
Domestically, Norway has been marked by a strong element of conformism, with largely unchallenged support for Nordic values and a generous social welfare state. In the words of Einar Forde, the late Labour politician: “We are all social democrats.”
这有着巨大的好处,特别是一个社会自由主义体系和一个仅以少量不平等实现增长的经济模式。
This has had huge benefits, in particular a system of social liberalism and an economic model that manages to produce growth with only minimal inequality. 
但这也带来了一个少数群体,他们对于这些社会发展感到失望,同时几乎没有表达自身关切的途径。
But it has also left a minority frustrated with those social developments with few outlets to voice their concerns.
例如,人们普遍认为,北欧国家对于移民的态度比欧洲北部其它国家更为宽容。然而,北欧国家政府可能只是更善于掩盖敌意。社会和谐的某种愿景,是以在一定程度上压制正当和不正当异见为代价的。
There is a widespread perception, for instance, that Nordic countries are more tolerant of immigrants than others in northern Europe. Yet their governments may simply have been better at camouflaging hostility. A certain vision of social harmony has come at the price of partially stifling legitimate dissent, together with the illegitimate kind.
来到挪威的外国人往往会谈到这个社会不爱对抗。我的一个朋友、一名叙利亚移民表示,挪威人遭受着“和平创伤”,意思是他们的生活如此美满,以至于他们未能意识到会有人从根本上否定他们的社会模式。
Foreigners who move to Norway often remark on the society’s aversion to confrontation. A friend of mine, a Syrian immigrant, says Norwegians suffer from “peace wounds”, meaning they have had it so good that they fail to recognise that anyone could fundamentally reject their social model.
在布雷维克那种特有的极端主义眼里,一个神话般的理想社会——文化上同质的欧洲——正受到外来意识形态的威胁(他将其称为“文化马克思主义”)。
Mr Breivik’s particular extremism sees a mythical ideal society – a culturally homogeneous Europe – threatened by an alien ideology, which he has labelled “cultural Marxism”.
读到布雷维克观点的人可能会注意到,这些观点存在某种病态的逻辑——与别的极端主义意识形态(包括布雷维克显然担心的伊斯兰圣战)的病态逻辑不谋而合。
Readers of Mr Breivik’s views may notice that they have a certain perverse logic – the very same perverse logic found in other extremist ideologies, including the jihadism Mr Breivik evidently fears.
2001年9月11日美国遭受恐怖主义袭击之后,我执掌的一个挪威智库曾警告称,那些不区分暴力原教旨主义及其盗用的某种文化形式(在那个例子里是伊斯兰教)的人,正在削弱他们寻求维护的自由主义价值观。可悲的是,事实以如此残暴的方式应验了这一警告。
After the attacks of September 11 2001, a Norwegian think-tank I chaired warned that those who did not distinguish between violent fundamentalism and the particular cultural form it usurped – in that case Islam – were weakening the liberal values they were seeking to defend. It is sad to be proved right in such a violent way.
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2011-07-27 17:25 编辑:essaywriter
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